Sopore, Jammu and Kashmir: On 5 February, 2025, as the sun was about to set upon Goripora village in the district of Sopore, 60 km northwest of state capital Srinagar, Nissara Begum grew restless and told her son, Irfan Ahmad Mir, that she felt something was about to go wrong.
“Be at ease,” said Irfan Ahmad Mir, 29, an unemployed young man, comforting his mother.
Irfan’s elder brother, Waseem Ahmad Mir, 32—the only wage earner in the family of six—was away from home on a delivery run with his truck that he drove with another man for Rs 10,000 a month.
After a sequence of events—which we detail later—Begum’’s ill-ease was borne out.
Waseem Ahmad Mir was shot on the night of 6 February at an army checkpost for allegedly refusing to stop when soldiers asked him to.
On 3 February, militants shot dead a former soldier in south Kashmir’s Kulgam district. The next day, the J&K police allegedly tortured a tribal man who committed suicide, and on 6 February, the army shot dead Mir after he allegedly failed to stop at a checkpoint.
While the Indian State responded by detaining over 500 people following the killing of the former soldier in Kulgam, a similar response—according to locals and political observers—has been absent in the cases of Kathua and Sopore.
Although probes (here and here) were announced, the families of the victims are skeptical, fearing that these investigations will meet the same fate as previous inquiries (here and here)—dragging on without conclusion.
According to a March 2019 report compiled by the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) in collaboration with the now-defunct Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a human rights organisation in the region, 107 cases of human rights violations have been investigated since 2008.
No Prosecutions In 3 Decades
In November 2024, Article 14 reported how four labourers from a remote Jammu village were allegedly tortured by the army after the latest of several terrorist strikes in the union territory. The episode came 11 months after the death of three men in military custody in another village in Jammu.
The government has not allowed prosecution of soldiers involved in similar episodes over three decades of unrest and insurgency in J&K—under the cover of the Armed Forces Special Protection Act (AFSPA).
In January 2018, the union government acknowledged to Parliament that since 2001 it had denied permission to prosecute armed forces personnel under AFSPA.
For years, human rights groups (here, here and here) have said that the AFSPA fosters a culture of impunity in J&K and have called for its revocation.
Anuradha Bhasin, executive editor of Kashmir Times, said that the State had always used “different yardsticks” in investigating cases where “men in uniform” were accused of human rights violation.
In the other two cases where civilians were the victims, the investigative process has been "tardy" and began only after widespread outrage, said Bhasin.
More than five years after the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi ended J&K’s partial autonomy, statehood and special Constitutional status, promising it would end terrorism and bring peace, the union territory has seen no peace, although the number of casualties has dropped.
Violence claimed 162 civilians since Article 370 of the Constitution was revoked on 5 August 2019, compared to 213 over the preceding five years (2015–2019), according to data from the South Asia Terrorism Portal.
More 381 soldiers were killed between 2015 and 2019, dropping to 196 since 2019, the data said.
A Viral Video
On 5 February, a video of a 25-year-old tribal called Makhan Din—accusing the J&K police of torture and forcing him to confess ties with militants—went viral on social media.
A labourer from a village called Bhatodi in Kathua district, Makhan Din was suspected by security forces to be what they describe as an “over ground worker”—someone who allegedly helps militants with logistical support, such as food and shelter.
After he posted the video on WhatsApp, according to a relative, Makhan Din apparently consumed poison and died on his way to hospital.
Survived by his wife and two children, in the video Makhan Din says, “As-Salaam-Alaikum. I swear by the Almighty and Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) that I never saw militants. I was ruthlessly beaten by the police in the police station. I told them the truth that I had never seen militants but they kept beating me. So, I had to make up a fake story and told them (police) that I have the contact number of Swaru (his step-uncle, a suspected militant who left for Pakistan in the 1990s) and my phone is at home.”
He adds, “They let me go in the morning to bring my mobile phone to the police station.”
Makhan Din then swears on the Quran and said that he had never seen any militant: “Since I don’t have the contact number of militants in my phone to show them, they will torture me again.” He then takes out a packet and threatens to consume it and die.
Lal Din, Makhan’s brother told Article 14 that he received a call from his sibling on 5 February at around 3:30 pm, saying that he had consumed poison and was lying in the local masjid in Bhatodi.
Lal Din said Makhan Din told him he had been picked up by the police from home and taken to a police post in a nearby village called Billawar, on 4 February at 12 pm.
“I was away from home, so I immediately contacted my relatives, who rushed to the local masjid,” said Lal Din. “He was still alive. They quickly took him to the hospital.”
‘We Want Justice’
Lal Din said he believed his brother could have been saved if a hospital had been closer to their neighbourhood. “Relatives had to trek over 2-3 km to reach the nearest motorable road, and from there, the hospital (sub district hospital Billawar) was another 70 km away,” he said.
He said when he spoke to his brother on the phone, Makhan Din kept insisting that they should not take him to the hospital and let him die “because he feared that if he survived, the police would torture him again”.
Article 14 cannot confirm if Makhan Din died en route to hospital or was declared dead upon arrival, as we do not have access to his post-mortem report.
Lal Din said that while performing ghusl—an Islamic ritual of bathing the deceased before burial—they discovered torture marks on his brother’s buttocks.
“We want justice,” said Lal Din. “ Whosoever is involved in pushing my brother to suicide should be brought to justice.”
The Police Version
Jitendra Singh, station house officer (SHO) Billawar said he was leading a police unit on 5 February after receiving intelligence about militants in the area.
Singh alleged Makhan Din was the nephew of a terrorist called Swar Din alias Swaru Gujjar based in Pakistan.
“It was reliably learned from different sources that Swaru has come back (to Kathua),” said Singh. “We (police) used to call Makhan Din’s father, Murid, to check on Swaru.”
According to Singh, on 28 January, militants attacked an army base close to the neighbourhood where Murid lived, and the police received a “complaint through post” that Murid and his family had sheltered militants.
Singh said the father-son duo of Makhan Din and Murid had arrived at the Billawar police post on 4 February and were asked to go to the deputy superintendent of police (DSP) headquarters—about 4 km from the police station—since the case was filed there.
“Since DSP sahib was also not there, they were asked to leave,” said Singh. “However, Murid insisted on staying at the headquarters due to the rain and left the next day.”
Singh dismissed allegations of torture, stating that if the police had indeed tortured father and son, there would have been bruises on their bodies.
"But there isn't a single injury on the body," said Singh. Asked about the torture marks on Makhan Din's buttocks, he said, "Since he was lying on the stretcher in the hospital mortuary all night, he developed bruises."
Singh claimed the case had been “politicised”. He has since been transferred to the police lines in the district headquarters in Kathua.
No Progress, No Responses
The death of Makhan Din comes two years after a 48-year-old man died by suicide shortly after being interrogated in a terror-related case in Poonch.
The Jammu police said that they had taken note of the Kathua “issue” and had ordered a “time-bound inquiry” headed by deputy inspector general (DIG), Jammu-Kathua-Samba range.
The district magistrate Kathua was quick to launch a magisterial enquiry, ordering tehsildar Lohai Malhar Anil Kumar to deliver a report within five days.
“He shall take statements of all relevant persons and adopt all requisite procedures under relevant rules,” says the order.
More than two weeks after the orders were issued, the family told us that they were not aware of progress. There was no response from the district magistrate’s office to an Article 14 query if the report was submitted. .
‘This Is A Murder’
Former J&K advocate general Muhammad Aslam Goni, demanded a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into Makhan Din’s death and alleged the inquiry ordered by the deputy commissioner was a“farce”, like “hundreds” of similar magisterial probes.
“Let the CBI probe it thoroughly and see all the aspects of the cases,” said Goni. “We need to know why some officers want to keep the pot boiling. You have pushed a man to commit a suicide. This is a murder.”
Goni said the viral video was evidence that Makahn Din took his own life. “This is his dying declaration and under law this can be sole evidence to prosecute the one who has committed the offence,” he added.
Article 14 sought comment from J&K director general of police Nalin Prabhat. He did not respond to phone calls. We will update the story if he does.
Shot At Army Check-Post
Nissar Begum’s unease about her son’s well-being continued to rise on 5 February.
At around 8 pm, she once again asked Irfan Ahmad Mir to call his brother to check whether he was fine. “She was feeling restless, as if she knew what was coming.”
Irfan Ahmad Mir called his elder brother and spoke with him for over five minutes. Waseem Ahmad Mir, according to him, had loaded his truck with apples and was waiting near a petrol pump in Sopore. He was scheduled to travel to Kolkata the next day to deliver the apples.
At around 1:30 am, Irfan Ahmad Mir received a call from Hilal Ahmad, the co-driver of the truck, saying his brother was unconscious and that he should reach the government medical college (GMC) in Baramulla immediately.
“My heart sank,” said Irfan Ahmad Mir, taking a deep breath. “I could sense that something was wrong.”
He traveled to Baramulla, some 20 km from home. As he opened the door of his house, his mother shouted, “Where are you going in the middle of the night?”
“I was speechless and broke down,” said Irfan Ahmad Mir. “I hugged my mother and told her that something was wrong with Waseem and that he has been admitted to GMC Baramulla.”
Mother and son rushed to the hospital and found Waseem Ahmad Mir’s body lying in the mortuary. Waseem was allegedly shot dead by the army after he jumped a security checkpoint on the Srinagar-Baramulla highway on the night of 6 February.
‘Repeated Warnings:’ Army
The army, in a statement, said that a “suspicious civil truck” did not stop despite “repeated warnings” near a “mobile vehicle check-postestablished after “ a specific intelligence input about move (sic) of terrorists”.
Given its proximity to Pakistan, the Srinagar-Baramulla-Uri highway is heavily militarised, with many army bases on both sides of the road.
The army said soldiers chased the truck for over 23 km, but the driver did not stop, after which shots were fired.
“Shots were fired aiming on (sic) tyres to deflate which forced (sic) vehicle to halt at Sangrama Chowk,” said the army statement. “Consequent to detailed search, the injured driver was immediately evacuated to GMC Baramulla by security forces where he was declared dead”
Irfan Ahmad Mir recalled his last conversation with his brother, who told him to take care of their mother, as she had recently developed health issues.
“It felt strange,” he said. “He spoke to me as if he knew he was about to die."
‘A Blatant Lie’
At the hospital, the family claimed they were told nothing till morning. It was only after their persistent demands for answers that a police official informed them that Waseem Ahmad Mir had been shot by the army for allegedly failing to stop at the checkpoint.
“This is a blatant lie,” said Irfan Ahmad Mir. “My brother would never do that. He had no bad records with the police and army. We want to know under what circumstances he was killed. The police should release the CCTV footage.”
“If my brother did not stop at the checkpoint, they could have stopped him at the next,” said Irfan Ahmad Din. “Why did they have to open fire?”
The police said that they had registered a first information report (FIR) and had started a “thorough investigation”, threatening “strict action” against “any attempt to disrupt public order or spread false information”.
The police did not share the FIR with the family or Article 14.
GMC Baramulla medical superintendent Dr Pervaz Masoodi told Article 14 that a bullet had pierced Waseem’s lungs through his back and he was brought dead to hospital at around 1:45 am. “This is just a preliminary report. The postmortem will take sometime,” he said.
Irfan Aamad Mir said when he saw the body of his brother, he could not find any injury on the front but could see a firearm injury at the back.
Hope Persists
The family said they were hopeful of an “impartial investigation”.
“We hope our case will also be investigated with the same urgency as in Kulgam,” said Irfan Ahmad Mir.
Gurinder Pal Singh, senior superintendent of police, Baramulla, told Article 14 that the police launched an investigation on the day of the killing.
Former northern army commander Lt Gen DS Hooda (retd.), said that AFSPA did not bar the police from carrying out an investigation.
“It only says any criminal proceedings will be with the sanction of the central government and that proceedings will happen once the investigation is done,” said Lt Gen Hooda. He explained that normally, security forces would try to chase and disable a vehicle—without causing harm to its occupants—that did not stop at a checkpoint by shooting at the tires.
Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former commander of the army’s Srinagar-based Chinar Corps, said that in any conflict zone, especially one where “proxies operate”, army personnel cannot distinguish between “innocent pranksters” attempting a “foolhardy act” and “proxy terrorists.”
Lt Gen Hasnain said that the army had lost several of its soldiers in surprise attacks.
“In such situations, if a set of civilians attempts to escape, it clearly denotes malafide, and security is all about ensuring that the said malafide does not lead to loss of lives of the jawans operating there,” said Lt Gen Hanain.
Death Of A Soldier
At the entrance of a modest two-storey house in Behibagh, a village in South Kashmir’s Kulgam district, a group of children stood anxiously, their eyes fixed on every visitor.
On 3 February, around 1:15 pm, as their parents Manzoor Ahmad Wagay, 39, mother Aaina Akhtar, 32—and the couple’s niece, Saina Hameed, 13—returned from a visit to relatives in a neighboring village, Manzoor Ahmad Wagay parked their car 20 m from their home.
As he, his wife, and their niece stepped out, a barrage of bullets from suspected militants struck them.
While Akthar was shot in the right leg and Hameed in her arm, the militants, according to the family, deliberately shot Manzoor Ahmad Wagay, a former soldier, in the stomach.
Wagay died there, while the others were evacuated to an army hospital in Srinagar.
“Even though my mother was injured, she managed to drive my father and Saina over two kilometers to the hospital,” said Airzo Manzoor, 14, Manzoor Ahmad Wagay’s daughter.
The former soldier is survived by four daughters and one son—all minors. He was initially part of a civil militia set up by the Indian government in the early 1990s to counter insurgency. He later joined the Territorial Army, where he served for over 17 years until he retired in 2021.
After retirement, Manzoor Ahmad Wagay used to take care of the family’s livestock and would spend hours with them even in “volatile villages,” said Jehangir Ahmad Wagay, his brother.
“We don’t know why our father was killed…he didn't have any issues with anyone, nor did he feel threatened anytime,” said Airzo Manzoor.
Jehngir Ahmad Wagay told Article 14 that he was on their lawn when he heard gunshots. “As I rushed outside, I saw my brother in a pool of blood.”
Detentions, A Message: Police
After Manzoor Ahmad Wagay’s assasination, the J&K police detained over 500 people in South Kashmir, the Indian Express reported.
The Express quoted an unnamed police official as saying that detentions were meant to send a message to militants “operating from across the border that such attacks won’t be tolerated”.
Habeel Iqbal, a lawyer from south Kashmir said while police had powers to detain suspects while investigating a crime, that power had to be used “reasonably”.
“Reasonable suspicion cannot exist when you’re suggesting hundreds of people engaged in a conspiracy to commit a crime,” he said.
Iqbal said that State actions should be subject to higher scrutiny and accountability than those of non-State actors.
“But in these two cases, as has been happening here for decades now, we can see the State absolving itself of all checks and balances when it comes to its own men, and using an iron hand while dealing with civilians,” he said.
Back in Kulgam, Manzoor Ahmad Wagay’s family said they have “full faith” in the J&K police and were hopeful that those responsible would meet the “same fate” soon.
Meanwhile, in Sopore and Kathua, the families of Waseem Ahmad Mir and Makhan Din waited to see if their names would be added to the long list of those who lost family in extrajudicial killings.
“As of now, they (government) are saying that justice will be done,” said Lal Din. “But only time will tell.”
(The J&K-based reporter who wrote this story has requested anonymity.)
Get exclusive access to new databases, expert analyses, weekly newsletters, book excerpts and new ideas on democracy, law and society in India. Subscribe to Article 14.