New Delhi: "Three years after destroying my face, my chacha (uncle) walked right into my home with a stick, beat me until my bones broke, and tried to strangle me,” said Rima, 24, who asked to be identified by her first name. “All to silence me. All because no one bothered to arrest him the first time."
This assault, on 9 October 2020, was the second time her uncle, who was out on bail, and others in her extended family had attacked her, Rima claimed. The first time, in 2018, her uncle poured acid on her.
"I was just 18 when the acid hit my face," said Rima. "But what breaks my heart isn't just my scars—it's that the system let my attacker walk free long enough to come for me again."
He had been released on bail five months after the first attack.
"They knew where he was,” said Rima, as she brushed away a tear. Everyone in the village saw him every day. But the police? The courts? They did nothing.”
On 25 January 2018, Rima, then living with her mother, sister, and two brothers in Sheohar in north-eastern Bihar, had been the victim of an acid attack “orchestrated by her relatives” in a family dispute over property.
According to Rima, her uncle poured acid on her face while two other relatives stood guard at the door. “My aunt slapped me, she tied my hands, feet, and neck,” said Rima. “I was yet to make sense of what was happening when my uncle poured acid on me and cut my thumb.”
The acid caused Rima’s skin to melt, inflicting excruciating pain and disfiguring her face.
Rima said the second attack was meant to intimidate her into withdrawing the original case.
“Even the police authorities pressured me to take back my case,” said Rima.
The case saw close to 20 hearings in Bihar before the Supreme Court transferred it to the chief judicial magistrate in Delhi in 2022. Since then, it has had five hearings, all in 2024. It is now being heard by the Sessions Court in Saket, Delhi.
A Persistent Problem
Article 14 spoke with four acid attack survivors—between 15 and 26 years old when they were attacked—who have been waiting for justice for an average of 10 years, including one for 16 years.
The reasons for delays include hold-ups in reporting the crime—due to the victims being hospitalised—late filing of chargesheets, slow investigations, witness unavailability, political influence, corruption and the backlog of cases in the courts.The perpetrators include relatives—two of the four cases involved family property disputes—a spouse, and coworkers of the victims.Despite laws to regulate the sale of acid, acid attacks continue to take place at a steady rate: from 283 cases in 2016, the number rose to 309 in 2017, 297 in 2018 and 300 in 2019, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau.
While cases dropped during the pandemic years of 2020 and 2021 (142 and 155, respectively), they surged back to 296 in 2022, indicating the persistent nature of the crime.
In 2013, acid attacks were included under section 326A—voluntarily causing grievous hurt by use of acid—of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and made punishable with a minimum imprisonment of 10 years, extendable to life.
The law also punishes police officers who refuse to register an FIR or record evidence or who deny treatment to victims.
The same year, in Laxmi vs Union of India, the Supreme Court outlined that establishments selling acid would need a license and must be registered under The Poisons Act, 1919.
Under the SC’s guidelines, shops must maintain a register of their stock and every individual sale of acid. The buyer must also provide proof of identity and disclose their reason for buying acid.
According to a 2021 report by Vidhik Kumar, published in Dignity, a journal of analysis of exploitation and violence, based on data from the Acid Survivors Trust International, a UK-based charity, 90% of acid attack cases reported in one year do not reach trial until the following year and take, on average, between five and 10 years to be disposed of by the courts.
According to the 2024 ‘Spectrum of vitriolage in India: A retrospective data record-based study’, published in the Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, despite the increasing number of cases for trial, the number of cases disposed of by the courts remains low, with only 15 cases resolved in 2021.
The study showed the conviction rate dropped significantly to 20% in 2021—only three of 15 completed cases led to a conviction—from 71.4% in 2020, when 10 of 14 cases ended with a conviction.
The study also found that the pendency percentage in acid attack cases against women has also seen a rise from 88.6% in 2017—with 318 cases pending at the end of the year out of the 359 cases for trial—to 97.5% in 2021—with 585 of 600 cases pending—highlighting a backlog in the judicial process.
The number of cases pending at the end of each year from 2017 to 2021 steadily increased: 318 in 2017, 390 in 2018, 394 in 2019, 503 in 2020 and 585 in 2021.
This trial delay weakens cases due to loss of evidence, witness unavailability, and prolonged legal proceedings. The lengthy judicial process also discourages survivors from pursuing justice, further impacting conviction outcomes.
According to Shaheen Malik, an acid attack victim who is the founder of Brave Souls Foundation—an organization established and led by fellow survivors—in Delhi, there are many reasons for the delay in judicial proceedings, the major ones being “late filing of chargesheets" and the “delays” on the part of the investigating agencies.
The four acid attack survivors Article 14 spoke to receive legal support and accommodation from the foundation.
Nearly 100 Hearings
In 2009, then-26-year-old Malik was attacked with acid by a group of people from her office, including her boss, while on her way to her job as a student counsellor in Panipat, east Haryana.
Malik said her colleagues and the college students they counselled attacked her because they were “discontent with her professional achievements” and because she had resisted her boss, who had asked for “inappropriate favours” from her.
The attack caused her to go blind in one eye and left her face disfigured.
In 2025, 16 years later, she still awaits justice.
“I was attacked in 2009,” said Malik. “My trial started in 2014, and so far, I’m yet to see any positive development in my case.”
“Whenever I went to the police station, the officials there would never take me seriously,” she said. “It was only after the district magistrate's orders that the statement was recorded and the chargesheet was filed.”
Malik said she had attended nearly 70 hearings in the trial court and about 30 more in the Delhi High Court and Supreme Court since 2014.
One of the four attackers, a minor, was convicted in 2015 by a Delhi juvenile justice board under sections of the IPC dealing with voluntarily causing grievous hurt (326), attempt to commit culpable homicide (308) and criminal conspiracy (120B). He served three years in prison.
The three adult accused challenged the charges against them in the high court, which discharged them in December 2016. Malik challenged this decision before the Supreme Court who restored the case in 2017, and directed that the trial be continued.
The case is now proceeding under various sections of the IPC including grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means (326), voluntarily causing grievous hurt by use of acid (326A), criminal intimidation (506), culpable homicide (308), kidnapping for ransom (364A), wrongful confinement (342), and offences punishable with imprisonment for life (511).
The next hearing, for final arguments in the case, is scheduled for April 2025.
“If there's no fault or lapse on my part, then who is responsible for this delay?” she said. “From undergoing the same trauma again and again to my worsened mental state, our judiciary fails me and everyone like me at every moment.”
Malik expressed deep frustration with the judicial process, describing it as a cruel cycle of repeatedly delayed cases.
“In my 16-year journey, I've seen countless such delays. Each time someone is missing—the lawyer, witness, investigating officer, or judge—my case gets pushed back by months,” she said. “While for them, it might be just another date on the calendar; for me, it's three more months of living with my trauma, seeing my attacker walk free, three more months of my life put on hold."
She added that, in reality, a case typically sees only four hearings a year, and out of those, just one or two are productive.
In 2020, Malik petitioned the Delhi High Court requesting a blanket ban on the sale of acids. The court, in 2023, while turning down the request, said that “strict penalties” should be imposed on the illegal sale and misuse of acid.
Delays And Corruption
Sija Nair, a Delhi-based lawyer with more than 15 years of experience in cases of gender-based violence, particularly acid attacks, and works at Brave Souls Foundation, said the initial delay in reporting the incident—as the victim is often in hospital—and recording a statement contributed to delays in the investigation process.
Nair said that investigative agencies could often be insensitive to acid attack survivors—who are immediately admitted to hospital and have to go through extensive treatment—leading to further delays.
“If the police officials investigating the case are sensitive to the case, they may take additional efforts to record the statements/evidence of the survivor via video conferencing or at the hospital,” said Nair. “Ultimately, the speed and effectiveness of the judicial process depend on how sensitively the authorities handle the case.”
According to Nair, the delay in the judicial process is directly linked to the role of investigating agencies—as their efficiency determines when a trial begins—the survivor’s health and the influence from the accused’s side.
In Delhi, an assistant sub-inspector (ASI) of police, Sangeeta, who goes by the single name, said there were many instances where police completed the investigation. However, the case is still pending because of the backlog of cases in the courts.
“Influence means corruption. Whether an officer will get influenced or not, it’s a matter of ethics and responsibility,” said Sangeeta. “I’m not denying that investigating officers don’t get influenced, but blaming the police department only is also incorrect.”
Meeran Chadha Borwankar, former director general of the Bureau of Police Research and Development said that investigations into crimes against women had been “prioritised”.
According to Borwankar, chargesheets were submitted on time in most cases, but that “witnesses not coming forward to record their statements and later to depose in courts” has been a “serious issue”.
“Very long delays of trials are the bane of the criminal justice system,” said Borwankar. “The role of police is important but limited. I feel more judicial officers and quick, time-bound trials of criminal cases shall reduce delays.”
A retired assistant commissioner of police in Delhi, who asked to remain anonymous, said there was “immense pressure” on investigating teams in cases where the accused holds a position of power or has political connections, and added, “Files mysteriously get delayed, evidence takes longer to process, and witnesses become harder to reach.”
Though she was attacked in Haryana, Malik successfully petitioned to have her case transferred to the court in Rohini, Delhi, in 2016 “in hope of an unbiased and fair trial “due to the intense political connections of my attackers and their huge influence over police.”
Justice ‘Out Of Reach’
On the night of 8 September 2015, 15-year-old Jyoti, who asked to be identified by her first name only, was sleeping on the terrace of her home in Bhojpur, west Bihar, when three men, relatives from her village, entered her house and threw acid on her, her father, and her mother.
The attack left her with burns on 45% of her body, permanently damaging her face, chest, back and scalp. She lost vision in her right eye, suffered severe ear damage, and has had to undergo multiple painful surgeries.
According to her family, the attack was the result of a property dispute.
"When they were released (on bail), our nightmare continued. They started threatening us, warning us to drop the case or face worse consequences," said Jyoti’s father, Rameshwar Prasad.
The family moved to Delhi in 2017, where Jyoti was being treated for acid burns.
“I was already struggling with both physical pain and emotional trauma,” said Jyoti. “Travelling such long distances for my treatment only made my suffering worse."
As the charge sheet had not been filed after two years, Jyoti’s father filed a petition in the Supreme Court, requesting that the case be transferred to Delhi.
On 14 February 2017, the court ruled in their favour, shifting the case to the District Court in Dwarka, New Delhi.
“This was like a step closer to victory,” said Jyoti.
Yet, nine years after she was attacked, Jyoti’s fight for justice continues. The trial, which has been ongoing in the Dwarka Court since 2017, has had 88 hearings.
To this day, the prosecution's evidence has not been fully presented.
"We have already lost so much, and yet justice still feels out of reach," Jyoti said. "I will keep fighting, but how long do survivors like me have to wait?"
‘I Will Not Give Up’
In 2016, Priyanka, who worked in a wedding management company, married a man she had met on Facebook two years earlier.
"I trusted him, and he destroyed my life," Priyanka said.
Priyanka, who asked to be identified by only her first name, discovered her husband was already married and had three children.
Priyanka sought refuge at her parent’s house but agreed to go home when her husband apologised in 2017.
Priyanka said that when she reached his house, he, along with his wife, tied Priyanka up and forced her to drink acid.
“I could sense my internal organs burning,” said Priyanka, who was 23 years old at the time of the attack.
Her case, filed under sections 307 (attempted murder), 326A (voluntarily causing grievous hurt by use of acid), and 34 of the IPC, has been languishing in Karkardooma Court for eight years.
Her husband was released on bail after six months in jail, while his wife, the other accused, was never arrested.
“In Priyanka’s case, the delay was the cause of absence of witnesses at hearings and the adjournments made on behalf of the accused," said advocate Haidar Ali, Priyanka’s lawyer.
The case, which has seen 53 hearings so far, still awaits the recording of the investigating officer's evidence.
"I will not give up," she said firmly. "My fight is not just for me, but for every woman who deserves justice."
‘Fighting Just To Be Heard’
Currently, Rima resides at a shelter home, Apna Ghar, located in south Delhi. This shelter home, operated and managed by acid attack survivors, is headed by Shaheen Malik.
Rima said she had to move to Delhi in 2022 to get justice.
"I had to beg for my case to be transferred because his influence was too strong. This is the reality we live with—not just acid on our skin, but the deeper burn of a system that failed to protect me when I needed it most."
"It's been almost seven years since acid melted my face," Rima said, her voice a mixture of exhaustion and determination, "and I'm still fighting just to be heard.”
“Now it's 2025, my case sits in Saket Court, and I have not been summoned by the court once for my statement,” Rima added.
In 2018, four of the accused were granted bail, while two of them were never arrested.
"The justice system is failing Rima at every turn," said Nair, working on Rima’s case. "A chargesheet was finally filed in 2021, but even in 2025, the case has barely inched forward in the Saket Court.”
According to Nair, the case was “still stuck at the preliminary 'arguments on charge' stage seven years after the incident.”
A Fast Track Solution?
According to Nair, if the entire system, including police officials, public prosecutors, judicial officers, and judges, were sensitised to the challenges faced by acid attack survivors and the hardships they endure after the attack, time could be saved, ensuring that justice is delivered more promptly.
Nair said Fast Track Special Courts (FTSCs), as constituted after the Nirbhaya rape and murder case, could be a solution to the delays in the investigative and legal procedure.
“Specialised investigation units like crime investigation departments (CID) already exist in all the states, said Borwankar, the former director general of the Bureau of Police Research and Development. “But instead of strengthening them, politicians have become very fond of creating special investigating teams, which investigate sensational cases and are disbanded later.”
Borwankar vouched for a technical and skill-oriented reform in the investigating agencies. “We need to sharpen the skills of officers working in CID and CBI and introduce more technology for evidence-based investigation,” she added. “Strengthening and investing in forensic laboratories can be a way forward.”
Malik, who also believes FTSCs are the way forward, asked, “Instead of stretching the cases over the years, just like mine, why can’t we have such a system where we get justice in six months or one year?”
While looking at her case files spread across the table, Malik pointed out that even intervention from the highest court can fail in practice.
“It’s not just about making guidelines or establishing fast-track courts,” she said. “The system continues to move at its own pace, regardless of what’s mandated.”
According to Malik, the real challenge is enforcement of solutions such as FTSCs, as “without proper implementation and monitoring, they are just another addition to our existing system.”
“The same delays, the same excuses, and the same systematic issues will continue to plague these courts unless there’s a fundamental change in how these orders are implemented and followed through,” said Malik.
“All I want is justice. For me and for all those survivors whose cases are pending,” she said. “I will continue this fight. I don’t want more blame games. What we really want now is action and justice.”
(Amir Bin Rafi is a Kashmir-based journalist who works at Brave Souls Foundation, as did Mansi Rathee, a Delhi-based lawyer and journalist who covers issues related to human rights and women's empowerment.)
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